咆哮的二十年代（Roaring Twenties）是指北美地区（含美国和加拿大）20世纪20年代这一时期。十年间，它所涵盖的激动人心的事件数不胜数，因之有人称这是“历史上最为多彩的年代”：美国士兵自欧战前线上归国拉开了这一时代的序幕，随后是爵士乐为代表的新艺术的诞生，崭新而自信的现代女性面孔的出现；尽管最后一场1929年的大灾变宣告了它的终结，但此一时期内无数具有深远影响的发明创造，前所未有的工业化浪潮，民众旺盛的消费需求与消费欲望，以及生活方式翻天覆地的彻变至今也令人难以忘怀。此外，十年内一系列的美国国内和国际事件也深刻地改变了20世纪上半叶的历史进程。但是，不容否认的是，南方许多州的美国黑人仍然生活在贫穷之中，黑手党的成员受到诸如《一个国家的诞生》这类影片的影响也在急剧扩大，美国国内的种族隔阂和种族矛盾在这一时期进一步扩大和加剧，对有色人种施加集团性迫害的社会基础在不知不觉间被巩固和强化....

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概况 咆哮的二十年代始于北美，又受一战结束影响传至欧洲。后者自1919年一战结束以来饱受经济衰退困扰，因此一直致力于战后重建并恢复因战争而造成的劳动力消减。与二战后不同，美国没有试图支援欧洲的战后复兴，反而是进一步倾向于孤立主义政策。在加拿大，美国取代英国成为主要经济伙伴导致了该国历史上一次极为重要的经济转型。总体上，自20年代中期开始，北美经济规模开始凌驾于欧洲之上，而几乎与此同时，咆哮的二十年代也开始在英法德等几个主要欧洲国家显现。20年代后半的欧洲经济高速发展，被称作“黄金20年代”，在法国和加拿大亦称做“疯狂年月” (années folles)。

咆哮的二十年代的精髓可以被描述为现代主义与反传统精神的某种不协调结合。此间，现代科学似乎能够化一切为可能，经济与技术的发展潜力似乎无限巨大，所有人都感到一个全新的截然不同的时代即将到来。诸如火车，小汽车，电话以及无线电等面向受众的通信手段使得现代主义思潮在民众间扩散，实用主义原则使得一切不必要的冗余装饰统统被去除，无论是建筑领域还是在日常生活中。同时，爵士乐和舞蹈等欢快的娱乐方式蓬勃发展，因此这一时期也被称作“爵士乐时代”。

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二十年代的经济 传统上认为咆哮的二十年代是一个由于许多新式消费品涌入市场而造就经济繁荣的时期。起初，北美经济花了不少时间用于战时经济向和平时期经济的转型。不久后，爆发性增长开始了。咆哮的十年中，美国凭借工业的批量生产化和社会上盛行的消费主义文化而成长为世界第一经济强国，而欧洲的经济起飞则直到1924年后才初露端倪。尽管社会，经济与科技发展正在取得巨大进步，非裔美国人、新移民人群、农民以及部分无产阶级的处境与往昔并无不同。事实上，生活在家庭收入2000美元这一贫困线下的人口仍有数百万之巨。此外，经济的爆炸性增长也为30年代的横行世界的大萧条埋下了伏笔。

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二十年代的生活

移民法 在20年代，美国和加拿大都出现了不同程度的排外倾向。1924年美国通过一项移民法案限制来自其既有移民总数已经达到美国1890年总人口2%的那些国家的移民（不包括非洲裔）。受此法案影响，20世纪头20年的欧洲对美国的移民潮划上了句号。亚裔和印度裔的移民则被完全禁止。1913年，加州通过了Webb-Haney法，防止那些尚没有公民权的外国人获得私有土地。还有另外11个州通过了类似法案。

在加拿大，1923年颁布了中国移民法（the Chinese Immigration Act）限制了几乎所有来自亚洲的移民输入。该国还通过了其他一些法律控制东南欧移民。

禁酒令 1920年，针对酒精饮料的宪法第18修正案获得通过。这一修正案的初衷是试图通过禁酒缓和某些社会问题，然而事与愿违的是禁酒所带来的新问题要严重得多。基于第18修正案的Volstead法通过后，美国开始全面禁止一切酒精类饮料的制造、贩卖和进出口。此后，美国各地开始滋生有组织犯罪，走私行为愈演愈烈，一切与酒精相关的非法地下活动都在牟取着暴利。在加拿大，尽管从没有在全国范围内实施禁酒，但美国禁酒法的影响依然是十分深刻的。

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二十年代的美国政治

沃伦·G·哈定 第29任总统哈定的竞选誓言是“回归常态”，Return to Normalcy，应注意这里的Normalcy一词是哈定的创造。“回归常态”折射了当时的三个趋势：强化北美孤立主义，复活移民排斥主义，弱化政府行动主义。在经济上，哈定采取自由放任政策。从1919年夏天开始，哈定发起“前廊运动”（Front Porch Campaign），正式参与竞选。这场竞选在美国历史上可谓盛况空前：各大媒体争相报道，新闻影片层出不穷，财界巨头如爱迪生、亨利?福特等人为他慷慨解囊，甚至好莱坞明星们也受邀前往俄亥俄州马里昂市（Marion，Ohio）哈定夫妇的家中与他们合影，以此赢得人心。截至20年秋天大选前夕，估计先后有60万人参与了奔赴马里昂的“朝圣”活动。哈定任内其政权饱受丑闻困扰，不过哈定本人似乎并未卷入其中。关于丑闻，他的名言是：“老天，没有比当总统更糟的职业了。”，以及“和我过不去的并不是我的敌人，只是一些该死的朋友，是他们让我彻夜难眠”。

卡尔文·柯立芝 柯立芝因哈定在任内病逝而就任美国第30任总统。1924年凭借“秩序与繁荣”的竞选主旨，他轻松连任成功。1924年2月12日，柯立芝成为第一个通过广播进行就职演说的美国总统。之后他又利用这种新媒体创造了几个美国总统的“第一”，比如上任十天之后他就在白宫发表了第一次全国广播的政治演讲。柯立芝的名言是：“美国人的要紧事就是做买卖”（The chief business of the American People is business）。

赫伯特·胡佛 美国第31任总统赫伯特·胡佛1928年宣誓就职时称：“今天，我们美国人比历史上任何一个地方都更加接近彻底战胜贫穷。”。事实是他说的几乎完全相反。美国前所未有的大萧条时代已经为期不远。

工会的变迁 1910年代末的几次罢工改变了美国公众对工会（labor unions）的看法。国家开始动用国民警卫队进行镇压，刑法条款追加了对制造骚乱的处罚。受此影响，工会成员数目激减。激进的工会主义受联邦在一战期间通过的反间谍法（Espionage Act）和反颠覆法（Sedition Act）的作用而衰退。社会主义运动领袖Eugene V. Debs据反颠覆法被处以10年监禁，不过后来他得到了哈定总统的提前特赦。

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咆哮时代的终结

黑色星期四 伴随着愈趋疯狂的投机行为，道琼斯工业股票指数连续数周持续上扬，1928年到1929年的牛市似乎将会永无休止。终于，1929年10月29日星期四，华尔街股市突然宣告崩盘。当时体制并不健全，发展也不健康的美国经济遭受致命一击，广泛波及资本主义世界的30年代大萧条拉开了帷幕。

撤销禁酒令 1933年2月20日，宪法第21修正案获得通过，禁酒令宣告撤销。各州立即据此案对酒精饮料解除管制。一如当年非法饮酒成为咆哮年代的时代符号，饮酒的合法化也从一个侧面告诉人们辉煌已成往事，美国经济与社会发展需要重头再来 ......(浏览本站收藏的网页)

沃伦·G.哈丁为美国第29位总统(1921年3月4日--1923年8月2日	美国第30位总统卡尔文·柯立芝(1923年8月－1929年3月)	美国第31位总统赫伯特·胡佛(1929年3月4日--1933年3月3日)
上世纪二十年代,萨科和万泽提案判决以后,在全球爆发了连续不断地抗议浪潮

1917年美国对一战的介入导致了对德裔美国人的社区的暴动。德语被禁止在学校教授。贝多芬和巴赫的作品从交响乐的节目中消失了，并且禁酒领导者们利用大多数的啤酒源于德国的事实来推动通过了第八修正案。继间谍法案（1917年）之后，叛乱法案（1918年）、外国人引渡法案（1918年）促进了反战主义和叛乱法案的政府批评。于1917年开始的情报局探员对二十四个城市的激进国际劳工总部突然搜查，怀疑其参与支持敌方的战争活动。仅仅在芝加哥就有100个国际劳工组织的成员以违反战争时期条款而受到审判。国际劳工组织从未从一战的打击中恢复过来。据一个司法部门的官员透露，它的主要的目标是推翻国际劳工组织。 尽管许多观察人士希望司法系统能保护那些反对者，但是法庭系统却对国际劳工组织的成员严厉地惩罚，因而著称。甚至作为最高法院民权领导领袖的奥利弗·温德尔·霍姆斯都赞成对公民自由的攻击，而他在1919年通过Schenck诉美国案支持美国的间谍法案，这是通过比较在反“一个人错误的在剧院大叫失火而引起恐慌”的运动中对言论自由的剥夺。然而，那年迟些时候在艾布拉姆诉美国案中他仍极力反对暴乱法案，但却以2：7被击败。

1919年夏， 联邦、州以及地方政府机构针对激进活动分子开展了广泛的打击，担心美国会有一场布尔什维克形式的革命。随后的“红色恐惧”因俄国的成功的布尔什维克革命和战后的工人动乱而被引燃，这包括1919年的波士顿警察罢工和几次爆炸运动。1919年6月2日，一枚炸弹在新首席检查官的官邸前爆炸。首席检查官A．米切尔·帕默和他的助手，未来的联邦调查局局长约翰·埃德加·胡佛，将领导政府对激进活动分子打击，战时立法允许联邦政府对支持战争活动的舆论进行压制。结果，在1919年夏有成百上千的外籍的无政府主义者、社会主义分子以及共产主义者受到引渡。

1919年8月，首席检察官帕默任命胡佛来领导最新成立的公共情报分支。建立了一个包括所有美国激进领导者、组织和出版物的索引系统，截止1921年胡佛收集了450，000个名单。在这期间，胡佛发现他所想象是一个全球范围的共产主义阴谋，也是为突然对其打击提供依据。

第二年，掀起了全国范围的对国际劳工组织办公地和那些同情共产主义运动的部门的突然搜查。帕默的这场袭击导致了成千上万人的逮捕，但是由于受到关于他非宪法的手段的批评，他的形象受到削弱，同时随之他也失去了总统的野心。据胡佛历史学家Curt Gentry，“反激进运动从一开始就是一场反劳工的运动”， 这激起了先天论者的担忧。最终，帕默失去了大商业的支持，因为新的限制移民数威胁到廉价的外国劳工的来源，并且红色恐惧“对商业发展不再有利。”

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Red Scare

The term "Red Scare" has been retroactively applied to two distinct periods of strong anti-Communism in United States history: first from 1917 to 1920, and second from the late 1940s through the late 1950s. These periods were characterized by heightened suspicion of Communists and other radicals, and the fear of widespread infiltration of Communists in U.S. government.

'First Red Scare' (1917–1920)
Main article: First Red Scare
The 'First Red Scare' began during World War I in which the United States fought from 1917-1918. Tensions were further elevated during this time frame owing to a widespread campaign of violence by various groups inspired by the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and the ensuing Russian Civil War (1917-1923). Historian Levin B. Murray described the First Red Scare as "a nation-wide anti-radical hysteria provoked by a mounting fear and anxiety that a Bolshevik revolution in America was imminent--a revolution that would destroy property, church, home, marriage, civility, and the American way of life."[1]

In April 1919, a large-scale plot to mail thirty-six bombs to a variety of prominent Americans was uncovered. The intended recipients included immigration officials, Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, the chairman of a Senate committee investigating Bolsheviks, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, J. P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller. On June 2 of the same year, bombs exploded in eight different cities within the same hour. One of the intended targets was again Attorney General Palmer, whose Washington, D.C. home was bombed. The man planting the bomb at Palmer's home was killed in the explosion, and evidence indicated that he was an Italian alien living in Philadelphia.

This occurred during a time of heightened xenophobia in America. Various brands of radical anarchism were acquiring some notoriety, and their advocates were often recent immigrants to the U.S. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) was responsible for several prominent strikes in 1916 and 1917, and this too was seen as a threatening form of radicalism largely inspired by foreign born "agitators". By 1919, hundreds of strikes were occurring every month nation-wide, and the conservative press was commonly referring to strikes as "crimes against society," "conspiracies against the government," and "plots to establish communism."[2]

As a result, even before the bomb plots of 1919, a series of immigration, anti-anarchist, and sedition laws (including the Sedition Act of 1918) were passed and widely exercised as a means to remove undesirable elements from the country. In the words of David D. Cole, "the federal government consistently targeted alien radicals, deporting them[…] for their speech or associations, making little effort to distinguish true threats from ideological dissidents."[3]

After the bombings, Attorney General Palmer initiated what came to be known as the Palmer Raids. These were a series of mass arrests and deportations of immigrants who were suspected of being leftists or radicals. A total of between 4,000 and 10,000 individuals were arrested over two years. Palmer placed J. Edgar Hoover, then 24 years old, in charge of this operation. At Hoover's specific direction, prisoners were questioned without access to attorneys and their bail was set prohibitively high.[4] Many were beaten during their arrest or questioning.

The raids were initially highly praised by the public and press. The Washington Post proclaimed "There is no time to waste on hairsplitting over infringement of liberty," and the New York Times referred to the injuries inflicted on a group of suspects as "souvenirs of the new attitude of aggressiveness which had been assumed by the Federal agents against Reds and suspected Reds"[5] Eventually there was criticism of the raids. A group of twelve prominent lawyers that included future Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter published "A Report on the Illegal Practices of The United States Department of Justice," citing violations of the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the Constitution and accusing Palmer of "illegal acts" and "wanton violence." Palmer then issued a series of warnings that a revolutionary plot to overthrow the government was to be launched on May 1, 1920. When the date passed without incident, Palmer was widely ridiculed. Adding to the criticism was the fact that evidence sufficient for deportation could be found for less than six hundred of the thousands who were arrested. In July 1920, Palmer's once-promising bid for presidential office was squelched when he failed to win the Democratic nomination.[6]

As a result of the fear and oppression around the First Red Scare, membership in the Communist Party of the United States and similar Marxist/Communist groups was reduced by some 80 percent.[7]

In 1919-1920, a number of states passed criminal syndicalism laws that made the advocacy of violence to secure social change unlawful. Traditional American ideals of free speech were restricted.[8]

'Second Red Scare' (1947–1957)...(More see here)

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The biographical information for Attorneys General of U.S. Department of Justice

Palmer was born in Moosehead, Pennsylvania, on May 4, 1872. In 1891 he received his AB degree from Swarthmore College and studied law at Swarthmore, Lafayette, and George Washington University. He was admitted to the bar in 1893, practiced with Honorable John B. Storm until 1901, and then alone. Palmer was a Member of Congress from 1909 to 1915. He was appointed judge of the United States Court of Claims in April 1915 and resigned that post on September 1, 1915. From October 22, 1917, to March 1919, he was alien property custodian under the "Trading with the Enemy Act." Palmer was a delegate at large to the Democratic National Conventions in 1912 and 1916, and a member of the executive committee of the Democratic National Committee from 1912 to 1920. He was appointed Attorney General of the United State by President Wilson on March 5, 1919, and remained until March 5, 1921. At the Democratic National Convention at San Francisco in 1920, Palmer received 267 nominating votes for President. He died on May 11, 1936.

The Palmer Raids, 1918-1921


In 1919, during a period of labor disturbances and several bombing incidents linked to anarchists, the post-World War I antiradical hysteria resulted in aggressive targeting of suspected radicals by the government. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer launched a series of raids against radical and progressive organizations, often without search warrants. By early 1920, more than five thousand people were arrested. Many of the suspects were deported, some illegally.

影片中的帕默-1 (场景 00:07:59)

影片中的帕默-2 (场景 00:08:35)

马萨诸塞州是美国的一州，也是位于东北的新英格兰区的一部份。中文的简称是麻省。波士顿是最大的制造业中心，其次是中部的伍斯特和西部的斯普林菲尔德。农业以生产蔬菜、水果、乳品、花卉等为主。东部沿海低地和西部河谷地带属乳酪带，牛奶是重要畜产品。沿海渔业发达。有多条铁路和公路通东岸港口。波士顿为第一大港，其国际机场客运繁忙。便利的交通和丰富的名胜古迹为本州发展旅游业提供了条件。州内有多所高等学院和研究机构。其中哈佛大学和麻省理工学院闻名世界。波士顿交响乐团是世界一流乐团之一。
马萨诸塞州是美國的一州，也是位於東北的新英格蘭地區的一部份.马萨诸塞州的地名來自早期殖民時代的一個位於此地的印第安部落名字，原本的意思是"一個很大的山坡地"。最早來自英國的移民是在1620年搭著五月花號船抵達普立茅斯（Plymouth）的.麻州北鄰新罕布什爾州和佛蒙特州，西接紐約州，南靠康涅狄格州和羅德島州，東邊則是面臨大西洋。東南邊的海岸之外有馬薩葡萄園島和南塔克特。波士頓是最大的都市.1999年的麻州總生產值是二千六百二十億美金，佔全國第11位。2002年的麻州每人平均收入是39,244美金，佔全國第三。

本州的農漁輸出是海鮮，植物苗，牛乳類產品，小紅莓，和蔬菜。工業類的輸出是機器，電機設備，科學儀器，印刷及出版，和觀光。其它和麻州經濟汲汲相關的有高等教育，健康醫療，和金融服務麻州人口只佔全國總人口的2.5%，但是麻州的四年制大學學院數目卻佔了全國總數目的4.5%(請參照马萨诸塞州大學學院列表)。八個波士頓地區的學術機構（波士頓學院，波士頓大學，布蘭戴斯大學，哈佛大學，马萨诸塞州理工学院，東北大學，塔芙茨大學和麻州大學波士頓分校），他們稱呼自己為“研究型大學”，根據他們所說，他們是二次世界大戰後的“經濟成長動力”，現階段則是每年對於麻州經濟有70億美金的助益。因為大波士頓地區擁有大量的大學和學院，每逢學年的開始，大波士頓地區的的人口數總是會突然暴增。(参见这里和这里)

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Alvan Tufts Fuller was a United States Representative from Massachusetts. He was born in Boston on February 27, 1878. He attended the public schools, and engaged in the bicycle business. Fuller was founder and owner of the Packard Motor Car Co. of Boston. He was elected a member of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and was a delegate to the Republican National Convention in 1916.

He was elected as a Republican to the Sixty-fifth Congress, reelected to the Sixty-sixth Congress and served from March 4, 1917, to January 5, 1921. Fuller served as Lieutenant Governor 1921-1924, and was elected Governor in 1924. He was reelected to a second term. After leavng office, he became chairman of the board of Cadillac-Oldsmobile Co., of Boston. He did not accept compensation for services while in public office. Fuller died in Boston on April 30, 1958. He was interred in East Cemetery in Rye Beach, New Hampshire.(维基百科)

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1927年8月3日富勒州长(对于要求重审萨科-万泽提案)的报告

(全文见这里 或 这里)

以下为结尾部分及其译文

.....This crime was committed seven years ago. For six years, through diiatory methods, one appeal after another, every possibility for delay has been utilized, all of which lends itself to attempts to frighten and coerce witnesses, to influence changes in testimony, to multiply by the very years of time elapsed the possibilities of error and confusion.

..........

This task of review has been a laborious one and I am proud to be associated in this public service with clear eyed witnesses, unafraid to tell the truth, and with jurors who discharged their obligations in accordance with their convictions and their oaths.

As a result of my investigation I find no sufficient justification for executive intervention.

I believe with the jury, that these men, Sacco and Vanzetti, were guilty, and that they had a fair trial. I furthermore believe that there was no justifiable reason for giving them a new trial.

译文:....这个罪行发生在七年以前.六年来,通过各种各样的方式,一次又一次利用各种可能延迟了判决.所有的这些试图对证人进行恐吓和胁迫,以影响证词的改变,导至了错误和混乱的可能

...................

重新回顾的任务是相当艰巨的.在这件为公众服务的事件中我很荣幸地结识了那些观点清晰,敢于讲真话的证人,还有那些忠于职守和誓言的陪审员们.

作为调查的结论我没有找到充份的理由去实行干涉.

我同陪审团确信,萨科和万泽提是有罪的,他们已经得到了公正的审判. 此外我也确信没有正当的理由再为他们重开新的审判

影片中的富勒 (01:51:40)和关于他否决民众请愿的的报道(01:53:58)

来自维基百科的叙述: Webster Thayer (Born 1857, died 1933) was an 1879 graduate of Worcester Academy and Dartmouth College and a former newspaper man. He was appointed a judge of the Superior Court of Massachusetts in 1917. He is best known as the trial judge for the Sacco and Vanzetti trial

Sacco and Vanzetti
In 1920, Sacco and Vanzetti, followers of Luigi Galleani and avowed anarchists, were arrested and charged with payroll robberies and murder. At their Dedham trial, Sacco and Vanzetti were both convicted of murder for the killing of two employees during a payroll robbery.

Thayer made clear his opinion in and outside of the courthouse. Referring to Sacco in his jury instructions, he said, "Although this man may not have committed the crime attributed to him, he is nonetheless culpable because he is the enemy of our existing institutions." The judge also told a friend during the trial, "Did you see what I did with those anarchist bastards the other day?"

Thayer denied a post-trial motion for a new trial, an act for which he was condemned by various left-wing and civil liberties groups, along with some legal critics, such as Felix Frankfurter. Others alleged that Thayer was biased against the two men because of their radical political beliefs. In 1920 he rebuked a jury for acquitting anarchist Sergie Zuboff of violating a criminal anarchy statute.

Personal Accounts
Boston Globe reporter said of Judge Thayer’s behavior at the trial that "[He] was conducting himself in an undignified way, in a way I had never seen in thirty-six years." The reporter continued by saying that, "I have seen the judge sit in his gown and spit on the floor."

Jurors in the Sacco-Vanzetti trial, however, were almost unanimous in praising Thayer for the way he conducted the trial. Reading the transcript, one sees few signs of obvious bias. What is most striking, perhaps, is Thayer's oratory, as in his charge to the jury: "Let your eyes be blinded to every ray of sympathy or prejudice, but let them ever be willing to receive the bountiful sunshine of truth...."

For their part, both Sacco and Vanzetti expressed their feelings towards Judge Thayer in unmistakable terms. Vanzetti stated I will try to see Thayer death [sic] and asked fellow anarchists for revenge, revenge in our names and the names of our living and dead. In a signed article for their defense committee, both men made a pointed reference to Luigi Galleani's explicit bomb-making manual covertly titled La Salute è in voi! (Health is in You!) in response to those who had arrested, prosecuted, or convicted them.

Aftermath
Fellow Galleanists did not wait for retaliation, instituting a campaign of bombing and attempted assassinations that lasted a full five years after Sacco and Vanzetti's execution. Court officials, a juror who had served in the Dedham trial, a police witness, and even Thayer himself were all targeted for assassination by bombs planted at their residences. After a Galleanist bomb destroyed Thayer's home in Worcester, Massachusetts, he lived for the remainder of his life at his club in Boston, guarded 24 hours a day by his personal bodyguard as well as police sentries. He died in 1933 of a cerebral embolism, aged 75.(见这里)

摘译:韦斯特 塔耶(1857年生,1933年去世)1879nian年毕业于达特默斯大学和伍斯特学院,是一家著名的报业人.在1917年他被指定为马萨诸塞州的特别法庭的主审法官.他由于萨科和万泽提的案件而声名显赫.

萨科和万泽提 在1920年,萨科和万泽提, 鲁奇 加里尼 (Luigi Galleani)和公开的无政府主义的追随者,因凶杀和抢劫被起诉.在随后的审判中,两人因杀害两名雇员并抢劫他们的薪款被宣判有罪.

塔耶在庭外阐明他的观点.他说:虽然萨科可能没有犯那些被指认的罪行,但由于他是我们现有制度的敌人因而是有罪的".这位法官在审判中还告诉他的一个朋友:"你没看到前几天我怎样处置那些无政府主义的杂种们吗?"

塔耶拒绝一个再审运动对于重开审判的要求.为此他被许多左翼组织和公民自由组织所指责,与此同时,他也被一些法律界批评家,诸如Felix Frankfurter等人也声称塔耶是偏于两人激进的政治观点而对他们判罪的.在1920年,他还谴责了一个陪审团对无政府主义者 Sergie Zuboff 宣判无罪是违反了惩治无政府状态的法令

...........

后果 在法庭处决萨科和万泽提后,加勒(Galleanists)的追随者们为了复仇没有等待,各种暗杀和爆炸活动持续了五年之久.一名陪审团成员,一名证人甚至塔耶本人在他们的住所都成了暗杀和爆炸的目标.一个加勒分子炸毁了塔耶在马萨诸塞伍斯特的住所,之后他住在波士顿俱乐部以度过余生.每天24小时由警察和他的私人保镖所保护.1933年死于脑血拴,终年75岁.

影片中的塔耶(01:46:57)

Moore was the original lead defense attorney for Sacco during the Dedham trial.  He was a Californian who had a reputation for successfully defending radicals. Moore was not, however, well versed with Massachusetts law or procedure.  In fact, he had never before tried a case in Massachusetts and would never do it again.  He withdrew from the case shortly after the trial, which pleased Rosa Sacco, who disliked him from the beginning.  In 1983, it was revealed by the son of one of the original group of four that hired him as defense lawyer that Moore was a cocaine addict, and had to be constantly supplied with the drug throughout the course of the trial.

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Fred Moore (attorney)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Fred H. Moore was a socialist lawyer and the defense attorney of the controversial Sacco and Vanzetti case. He had collaborated in many labor and Industrial Workers of the World trials and was noted for his role in the celebrated Ettor-Giovannitti case, which came out of the 1912 Lawrence, Massachusetts, textile strike.

Sacco and Vanzetti case
Main article: Sacco and Vanzetti
During the trial of Sacco and Vanzetti, many had noted how Judge Webster Thayer seemed to loathe defense attorney Fred Moore. Thayer frequently denied Moore's motions, lecturing the California-based lawyer on how law was conducted in Massachusetts. On at least two occasions out of court, Thayer burst into tirade. Once he told astonished reporters that "No long-haired anarchist from California can run this court!"(见维基百科)

译文:摩尔是一个社会主义者的律师和颇具争议的萨科和万泽提案件的辩护律师.他曾在世界性的审判中为很多劳工案件和产业工人的案件辩护,并且由于1912年马萨诸塞州的纺织工人罢工为著名的Ettor-Giovannitti案件辩护而出名

在萨科和万泽提案件的审理中,法官塔耶似乎是厌恶辩护律师摩尔.塔耶频繁地否决摩尔的行动,训诫这位来自加利福尼亚的律师应该如何使用马萨诸塞州的法律.至少有两次在法庭以外的场合对其大加抨击.一次他对惊讶的记者说:"那个从加利福尼亚来的无政府主义者不能指挥这个法庭"(见维基百科)

摩尔律师在庭审中据理力争(00:39:17)

历受挫折后摩尔律师抱憾告别(01:25:15)

Thompson took over Sacco and Vanzetti’s defense after Fred H. Moore withdrew from the case. Thompson, by most accounts, was a conservative and prominent Boston attorney who had been a council member of the Boston Bar Association. Some in the Defense Committee had wanted Thompson to handle the case in trial court rather than Moore. Thompson argued the post-trial motions before the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts in January of 1926.

汤普森在摩尔之后担任萨科和万泽提案件的辩护律师.汤普森是一名波士顿保守派的著名律师,他也是波士顿律师协会理事会的成员.(萨科和万泽提案)辩护委员会的呀些成员认为由汤普森担任辩护律师要比摩尔更好.在1926年1月汤普森在马萨诸塞州最高法院提出了重开审判的请求

汤普森和它的助手深入小镇调查真正的凶手(01:29:00)

汤普森求见州长富勒要求重开审判(01:41:48)

....我是一个不善于讲话的人，唯其不善于讲话，有思想表达不出，有感情无法倾吐，我才不得不求助于纸笔，让在我心上燃烧的火喷出来，于是我写了小说。

我不是文学家，但是我写作了五十多年。每个人从不同的道路接近文学。我从小就喜欢读小说，有时甚至废寝忘食，但不是为了学习，而是拿它们消遣。我做梦也想不到自己会成为小说家。我开始写小说，只是为了找寻出路。

我出身于四川成都一个官僚地主的大家庭，在二三十个所谓“上等人”和二三十个所谓“下等人”中间度过了我的童年，在富裕的环境里我接触了听差、轿夫们的悲惨生活，在伪善、自私的长辈们的压力下，我听到年轻生命的痛苦呻吟。

我感觉到我们的社会出了毛病，我却说不清楚病在什么地方，又怎样医治，我把这个大家庭当作专制的王国，我坐在旧礼教的监牢里，眼看着许多亲近的人在那里挣扎，受苦，没有青春，没有幸福，终于惨痛地死亡。他们都是被腐朽的封建道德、传统观念和两三个人一时的任性杀死的。我离开旧家庭就像摔掉一个可怕的黑影。我二十三岁从上海跑到人地生疏的巴黎，想找寻一条救人、救世，也救自己的路。说救人救世，未免有些夸大，说救自己，倒是真话。当时的情况是这样：我有感情无法倾吐，有爱憎无处宣泄，好像落在无边的苦海中找不到岸，一颗心无处安放，倘使不能使我的心平静，我就活不下去。一九二七年春天我住在巴黎拉丁区一家小小公寓的五层楼上，一间充满煤气和洋葱味的小屋子里，我寂寞，我痛苦，在阳光难照到的房间里，我想念祖国，想念亲人。在我的祖国正进行着一场革命与反革命的斗争，人民正在遭受屠杀。在巴黎掀起了援救两个意大利工人的运动，他们是沙柯（N．Sacco）和樊宰底（B．Vanzetti），他们被诬告为盗窃杀人犯，在美国麻省波士顿的死囚牢中关了六年，在我经常走过的街上到处张贴着为援救他们举行的“演讲会”、“抗议 会”的海报。我读到所谓“犯人”之一的樊宰底的“自传”，里面有这样的话：“我希望每个家庭都有住宅，每个口都有面包，每个心灵都受到教育，每个人的智慧都有机会发展。”我非常激动，樊宰底讲了我心里的话。

我的住处就在先贤祠（Pantheon）旁边，我每天都要经过先贤祠，在阴雨的黄昏，我站在卢梭的铜像前，对这位“梦想消灭压迫和不平等”的“日内瓦公民”诉说我的绝望和痛苦。回到寂寞冷静的屋子里，我坐下来求救似地给美国监狱中的死刑囚写信（回信后来终于来了，樊宰底在信中写道：“青年是人类的希望。”几个月以后，他给处死在电椅上，五十 年后他们两人的冤案才得到昭雪。我在第一本小说《灭亡》的序上称樊宰底做我的先生）。就是在这种气氛、这种心情中我听着巴黎圣母院（NotreDamedeParis）报告时刻的沉重的钟声，开始写下一些类似小说的场面（这是看小说看多了的好处，不然我连类似小说的场面也写不出），让我的痛苦，我的寂寞，我的热情化成一行一行的字留在纸上....(见这里或这里)